The major contribution to the working class movement is described in the documents below. This fills a hole in the writings on South African labour history, part of which must be ascribed to omissions on the part of historians, schooled in the CPSA’s methods of misrepre class="sub"sentation. A fuller account of the work of Gordon, Koza, et al, and of later work in the Progressive Trade Union group can be found in Baruch Hirson’s Yours For the Union . See also the report on the strikes in which Purdy and Lee were involved by ‘Los’ in Fight , Volume 1, no 6, May 1937. This was the journal of CLR James’ Marxist Group.

Yudel Burlak

Draft Thesis: The Trade Union Question

THE PROBLEMS and tactics of the trade unions are determined by the conditions and intensity of the class struggle. As a starting point we take the irrefutable fact that capitalism is in process of decay. The economic crisis throughout the world for the past five years, the enormous masses of the unemployed, the decline in wages, the onslaught on the standards of living, the various developments of Fascism, the imminence of war, all this shows the impossibility of retaining the existing social and economic system, the deadly rule of oppression and exploitation. Against the background of this sharp economic crisis, the social struggle in all countries grows more severe. Strikes of unusual magnitude are breaking out, beginning in the United States, as the proletariat strives to maintain its standards of living under the heavy hand of capitalism.

But in these fights the workers are hampered and betrayed by their own leaders in trade unions. The majority of trade unions in capitalist countries are in the hands of reformists and bureaucrats, the direct servants of the capitalism. Although themselves workers, they are directly or indirectly bribed by the capitalists and their chief activity is to mislead the workers. They put their trust in the goodwill of the bourgeoisie and in class collaboration; they turn away from the class struggle and from the revolutionary fight for a new social order. This dependence upon the bourgeoisie is the main reason for their insistence upon the ‘independence of the trade unions’, and for their favourite slogan: ‘Keep the trade unions clear of politics.’ They accept complacently the additional slogan furnished by the bourgeoisie: ‘You carry on with your economic struggle and we will look after politics.’ The bourgeoisie have always tried to separate the economic fight, which is the basis of the trade union movement, from the political struggle, and the bureaucracy of the trade unions strongly supports this. But under present conditions every economic struggle inevitably takes on political significance. Therefore, the main task of a revolutionary party is to conquer the trade unions. For only by conquering the trade unions can we conquer the masses, that is, win their confidence. And this can only be achieved by systematic, obstinate work along the lines of opposing and unmasking the treachery and slackness of the trade union bureaucracy in the struggle for the daily interests of the workers, and by setting against the policy of class collaboration a steady revolutionary course. The trade union is the workshop and school of a Communist, and our task is by conquering the trade unions to prepare the workers for the overthrow of the capitalist system.

The position of the trade unions in South Africa reflects the backwardness of the South African worker. All the unions are under the control of reformist leaders. Furthermore, the unions are stultified and pacified by a blanket of industrial legislation which aims at settling disputes by mutual agreement instead of by direct action. Most of the unions, and this is the most important point to keep in mind, are the close preserves of the white aristocracy of labour. Natives are debarred or discouraged from entering these unions, and are in the majority of cases completely unorganised and helpless against the continual attacks on the meagre standard of living.

The majority of trade unions in the Cape are affiliated to the Cape Federation of Labour Unions, while those in the northern provinces, as well as a few in the Cape, are affiliated to the Trades and Labour Council. The Cape unions follow a more liberal policy in connection with non-Europeans, and in the majority of unions in the Cape, it is permissible for Natives to join. Unfortunately, this cannot be said of the Transvaal, Free State, or Natal.

On the other hand, the Cape Federation of Labour Unions is, in general, one of the most reactionary bodies that ever existed in the ranks of the working class. In no way does it advance beyond the American Federation of Labour, for even the reformist, yellow trade union international (the Amsterdam International) is for the Cape, as for the American Federation, too revolutionary.

When we examine the trade union policy of the two existing workers’ parties, the South African Labour Party and the Communist Party, we see the same erroneous and harmful attitude as towards the Native problem in general, that of the SALP being chauvinist and that of the CP being separatist and sectarian. The policy of the SALP, a policy of white trade unionism, barring the way for Natives in the existing trade unions, is not only most detrimental to the interests of the whole working class of South Africa, which includes both white and black workers, but is even against the interests of the white workers organised in the white trade unions. By barring the way into the trade unions for the great bulk of workers in the various industries of the country, they are serving the ends of the capitalists, who by reason of their division are able to intensify their exploitation, using the white worker as a playball in their hands. The whole history of the working class movement in this country is marked by tragic examples of this fatally shortsighted policy.

The chauvinistic policy of the SALP in conjunction with the chauvinist trade union bureaucracy was responsible in 1922 for the collapse of the General Strike on the Rand, and for the appalling slaughter of the workers there. As a matter of fact, the strike was instigated to prevent Native workers from doing skilled work. It was a strike which clearly reflected the reactionary chauvinistic policy of the SALP. In the same way, the white workers, who mainly owed their allegiance to the SALP, failed to support the strike of the Native mineworkers in 1919. That the Native workers emerged victorious from that strike was due solely to their own militancy, and in spite of the scabbing activities of the white workers.

While we must emphasise the fact that some good work was done in the trade unions by the CP for a number of years prior to 1928, and this should be remembered and appreciated, we must also say frankly that with its entry upon a new ‘ultra-left’ road, the road of adventurism, its policy of the ‘Third Period’, the ‘Native Republics’, the ‘red trade unions’, and more especially its trade union policy, has been since 1928 most harmful and disastrous. Its views on trade unionism found expression in the slogans, ‘Out of the trade unions’, ‘For new revolutionary trade unions’, a policy contrary to the interests to the working class. It is a policy of despair, of pessimism, and corresponds with the general loss of faith in the masses by the Communist parties, the Comintern, and the Profintern. They forgot the teaching of Lenin, which was always against any split in the trade unions: ‘The trade union movement, in spite of the treachery of its leaders, is the historically inevitable form to unite the entire proletariat into one organisation.’ The task of the revolutionary party in the trade unions most certainly does not consist in wresting from the unions the best and class conscious workers in order to create small separate organisations. This policy of a breaking off from the unions on the part of the revolutionary elements plays into the hands of the capitalists and the counter-revolutionary trade union bureaucracy. It is a commonplace that the employers are making use of any and every means in their power to split the ranks of the working class on such questions as the labour of women, or cheap labour, or skilled worker against unskilled and semi-skilled, white against black, employed against unemployed. And then comes along the ‘revolutionary’ CP to help them by splitting the unions! This policy of detaching the best elements from the masses means isolating these revolutionary workers on the one side, and abandoning the great bulk of the workers to the full influence of the trade union bureaucracy on the other side. It is not difficult to see how harmful to the interests of the working class such a policy is.

What Shall Be the Attitude of the New Party to the Trade Unions?

The new revolutionary party will be able to defeat the existing trade union bureaucracy and wrest from them the leadership, only when it has learned how to win the confidence of the masses. This cannot be achieved by detaching the most class conscious element from the masses, but by participating in the daily struggle of the masses, in their daily needs and hopes. The basis for enlarging our influence lies within the economic struggle. Questions of wages, working hours, unemployment, short time, social insurance, compensation, sanitary conditions, and all kinds of grievances must be our concern, but at the same time we must utilise all this for educating class consciousness and militancy. Our task is to work insistently and systematically in the trade unions, giving the masses guidance in the daily struggle as well as practical lessons in the revolutionary spirit and revolutionary Marxism. In the attack, as in the retreat when necessary, we must be at the head, in the forefront. So only can we win the confidence of the masses.

1. The economic struggle should follow the slogans of increase in wages, improvement of labour conditions, and the defence of the fundamental rights and interests of the workers.

2. We must be clear on the point that this cannot be achieved by class collaboration, which is the policy of opportunism and bureaucracy. While not entirely rejecting collective bargaining, we must point out to the workers the relatively slight value of this, and keep in mind the fact that the capitalists always violate the collective contracts whenever it is to their advantage. Therefore the fundamental policy of the trade unions must be direct action.

3. The problem of unemployment must engage our close attention. The capitalists are continually trying to split the workers; they pit those who are still employed against their unemployed comrades. But unemployment menaces every worker, and therefore the struggle must be directed against its causes. For this is a matter of life and death, and we must rally both the employed and unemployed, skilled and unskilled in the unions into one united, solid, fighting body.

4. For the same sound reason, the unity of the workers, we must above all fight for the abolition of the ‘Colour Bar’. We must point out to the workers the deadly danger of division, which is in the interests of the capitalist only, and the pressing need of unity of black and white in the trade unions. We must fight for equality of labour and conditions, and equal pay for equal work independent of race or sex.

5. We stand for a united trade union movement of all workers irrespective of race, colour, creed or sex. It is the duty of every member of ours in the trade unions to agitate for the removal of the Colour Bar where such exists. But, until such time as this can be achieved, we must organise into separate bodies all those who are actually debarred from joining the existing trade unions. Under no circumstances, however, do we regard such Native trade unions as opposition trade unions or as a goal in themselves. They are only a step towards the amalgamation of all the trade unions, black and white, into one central organisation of trade unions of all the workers of South Africa.

6. But while conducting or participating in the fight for the improvement of the conditions of labour, for raising the standard of living of the workers, and so on, we should always bear in mind that it is impossible to solve all these problems within the frame of the capitalist system. While gradually forcing concessions from the ruling classes, compelling them to enact social legislation, we shall ever and again point out to the workers that only the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat can solve the social question.

Max Gordon The Scope For Native Employment

THE BASIS of the economic structure of South Africa is the Native population. This is not only because it is numerically the predominant section, but because the native is the direct producer in agriculture and the mines, and also, though to a lesser degree, in industry generally. Almost all the productive labour on the farms is performed by the agricultural Native labourer. There are about 1.5 million Natives forming the land proletariat in South Africa. The productive part played by European labour in agriculture is comparatively insignificant. In the gold, coal and other mines, as well as on the alluvial diggings, the Native plays by far the greater part in productive labour. The ratio of Native labourers employed on the Rand mines, compared with Europeans, artisans and labourers, is 9.9:1, on the coal mines, 16.8:1, on the alluvial diamond diggings, 4.5:1. In this primary industry of mining about half a million Native workers are employed.

In other industrial enterprises, as well as in commerce and transport, the Native worker is playing an increasingly important part. With growing rationalisation of industry, the practice of substituting unskilled for skilled labour is continually extending, and this process is leading to an ever greater prominence of the Native worker, both numerically and as a producer: this, in spite of the government's ‘White’ civilized labour policy formulated by General Hertzog as early as 1924, the effects of which will be dealt with later.

[Gordon quotes here from the Thesis on the Native Question, from ‘The main characteristic of the South African economic system...’ on page 106, to ‘... the only solution of the Native Problem is the agrarian revolution’ on page 108.1

During the nine months of December to September 1936, £10,740,000 agricultural products were exported, as compared with £18 185 181 for the same period this year. In spite of the increased agricultural production, the wages of farm labourers have remained from £21 to £25 per annum, excluding board and lodging. It is interesting to note that during the later period, £65,992,393 of various minerals were exported. One and a half million Natives are employed in agriculture, as compared with half a million in the mining industry, where the average wage is £46-4-0 per annum, excluding board and lodging.

Industries in the Union have been built up with the help of subsidies, and behind a tariff barrier. The introduction of the government’s policy of protecting secondary industries coincided with Hertzog’s announcement in 1924 of the ‘White’ civilized labour policy. It was made perfectly clear that the rapidly increasing number of poor whites (30,000 before 1910 to 350,000) were to be given employment in the secondary industries, civil service and the railway and harbours. All industrial legislation since promulgated was with this end in view. The Native employment was to be confined to the mines and agriculture.

The last great crisis which deepened and widened the gulf between the productive capacity of the world industry and the consuming capacity of the world markets was reflected in South Africa by the severe cuts in wages. Indirectly, the general wage bill was further lowered by a more complete rationalisation of industry. The introduction of machines which do not require skilled attention inevitably led to the displacement of skilled workers in favour of unskilled and semi-skilled. The unskilled White worker was compelled to accept the low wages paid to the Native. The Bantu workers gradually gained a permanent place in many industries (performing both skilled and unskilled work) from which they can only be dislodged with drastic results to the efficient organisation of the said industries. Only in the newspaper and printing trades, the engineering trades and the building industry have the European skilled workers been able to maintain their monopoly, even in these trades the ratio of Native unskilled to skilled European workers is 8:1.

The laundry industry is today dominated by Africans 95 per cent to five per cent. In the baking industry in 1925, the skilled and semi-skilled employees were entirely Europeans. Today a 5:2 ratio exists in favour of Africans. In the furniture industry a 50:50 basis exists. The Union government, however, claims that the percentage increase of poor whites employed in the secondary industries has increased from 38 per cent to 42 per cent. This may be due to the increased industrialisation, or to the fact that government contracts are only placed with firms employing the maximum amount of European employees, or perhaps in an indirect fashion to the subsidising of the wages of European labourers employed by the municipalities by 50 per cent.

There are about 28 industries in the Union, each employing more than 1000 Africans. About 150,000 Bantu are employed in these industries. Their wages vary from 15/- per week to 30/- per week for unskilled workers.

Native employment can be divided into 10 main avenues:

1. Agriculture
2. Mines.
3. Commerce.
4. Industries.
5. Domestic.
6. Civil service.
7. Municipal.
8. Provincial.
9. Professional.
10. Employment to provide for Native requirements.

Two fifths of the money derived from Native taxation is paid into the Native Development Account to be used for payment of Native education, agricultural instruction, health amenities and departmental expenses. The other three fifths, that is, Native money is paid into the Union Revenue Fund, and is not used for any form of Native requirements or development. From the foregoing it is clear that the government's idea of trusteeship is, as far as possible, to confine Native employment to the mines and agriculture.

The whole economy of the Union is based on the mines and agriculture, which in turn relies [sic] on an adequate supply of cheap Native labour.

In the face of these facts, what solution do we offer so that the African may obtain a living wage, and that 1.5 million of our population may live as human beings and not as beasts of burden?

[Gordon quotes here from the Thesis on the Native Question, from ‘The Native problem is mainly the Agrarian Problem’ to ‘... oppression and subjection of the largest part of the population, continues to prevail on page 112.]

It must be made clear to the workers and intelligentsia of South Africa that the Native problem, the agrarian problem, is their problem, that the liberation of the Native is their liberation.

It is true that the Native suffers also racial oppression, and therefore the national question also forms a part of the Native problem, but the Native needs, first of all, land, then national emancipation. Our task is to strive for the unity and mobilisation of all forces, combining all workers, black and white, into one single trade union organisation. We must fight relentlessly any prejudiced, chauvinistic feelings against the oppressed that exists [sic] among European workers. We must fight unceasingly for the removal of all repressive legislation against the Natives and all other workers. But while we fight for these partial demands, we must always hold fast our sure conviction that all this can he achieved in the revolutionary struggle, and that our main fight lies in the preparation and mobilisation of all possible forces for the future revolution.